Oct-Sep 96

U.S. ARMS EXPORTS

More than just Guns, Jobs Go Too



When-if ever-Congress con-siders restricting weapons exports, military contractors counter with a cry for "jobs, jobs, jobs!" For example, in 1992, McDonnell-Douglas claimed that 40,000 jobs would be lost if the U.S. did not make a highly controversial sale of fighter-bombers to Saudi Arabia. However, in the current buyers' market, military contractors have grown all too willing to sacrifice U.S. jobs in order to clinch a deal. McDonnell-Douglas didn't mention publicly that the Saudi government demands a 30% offset on all major contracts, or that $2.7 billion of business was lost in that 1992 deal.

What are offsets? In today's highly competitive market, arms manufacturers frequently provide economic incentives to "offset" the cost of weapons sold overseas. Direct offsets include agreements to produce the weapon (or parts for it) abroad or to sell U.S. military technology. The $5.2 billion sale of F-16s to Korea in 1991 is a good example of a direct offset, in the form of "co-production." Only 12 of the 120 planes sold to Korea were made in the U.S.; 36 more were delivered in kits to be assembled in Korea. South Korea held out for the right to manufacture (co-produce) the remaining 72 under license. Thousands of U.S. workers rallied in protest when they were asked to train their South Korean replacements as a part of the deal.

Indirect offsets are a more subtle form of industrial barter; they are designed to entice buyers with non-military extras. For example, closing a $1.8 billion sale of fighter planes to Spain in 1982 required that McDonnell-Douglas market a wide variety of Spanish products, promote tourism in Spain, and help set up a pizza franchise in Barcelona-an offset package worth more than $1.5 billion, more than two-thirds of the sale price.

In 1995, the Commerce Department studied the outcome of offset deals on companies affected by them. The survey found that of 204 U.S. firms, over 80% were negatively impacted. These "side deals" are not reported to Congress or to the public, even though they hurt U.S. businesses and U.S. workers.

Fewer Jobs, More Guns. When military contractors export production along with weapons, U.S. workers lose jobs. Moreover, the sale of military technology poses a serious security challenge. Arms control and nonproliferation efforts are impeded as more nations become capable of producing and selling weapons. Military contractors say overseas competition makes offsets necessary, but creating new arms suppliers only increases the number of competitors.

On the other hand, indirect offsets force the non-military industries to absorb increased competition. Counter-trades and contract assistance are carried out at the expense of the U.S. economy and U.S. jobs. Since details of offset arrangements are considered "confidential business information," other U.S. companies are not alerted to the negative repercussions to their market viability or their employment base. Selling U.S. workers short in order to prop up the military industry defeats the very same arms-sales-for-jobs argument used to justify expanding arms exports.

Increased International Competition? The end of the Cold War has resulted in reduced military procurement budgets in the U.S. and elsewhere. Producing countries began to rely on exporting arms, with government support to protect their military-industrial bases, flooding the international market with weapons for sale. Today's rationale for offsetting arms sales is the fierce competition in both the U.S. and international arms market: the "if we don't sell, fill-in-the-blank will" rationalization. But offsets are also used in sales that are not subject to foreign competition.

U.S. military aid (Foreign Military Financing, or FMF) is linked to the requirement that recipients spend it only on American-made weapons. A 1994 Government Accounting Office (GAO) study found that the four largest FMF recipients were given $11.6 billion in aid. Offsets to these deals totalled $4.7 billion, effectively increasing the assistance to $16.3 billion.

Both direct and indirect offsets negatively impact the U.S. economy by giving away jobs. Although arms sales are touted as good for employment and trade, the job loss caused by offset arrangements raises serious doubts about these claims. Offsets disrupt international security, nonproliferation, and arms control efforts by multiplying the number of weapons producers. The secretive nature of these side agreements stacks the deck in favor of weapons manufacturers. These practices must be exposed to both congressional and public scrutiny so the whole story can be told.

-Reprinted from Friends Committee on National Legislation FCNL Washington Newsletter, June 1996


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