The U.S.-Mexican War and
    the Peoples of the Year 2000


 Inputs from Politics:

Oaxaca and indigenous law

 
Overview  

Inputs from the Politics of Today  

Inputs from History 

The Future of New/Old Nations 

For a time, early in 1998, the state of Oaxaca was taken as a show-case, a demonstration that it was possible and practical to recognize indigenous identity within the framework of a modern nation.  The governor of the state, Diodoro Carrasco, was backing changes in the state constitution that would give greater recognition and autonomy to indigenous municipalities. In earlier times, these Zapotec and Mixtecs -- and others -- would have constituted the "República de Indios."  They now sought a collective standing that they had not had since the colonial years, or since the Constitution of 1824 declared all Mexicans equal before the law. 

One institution that the new arrangement would support would be the tequio, under which all members of a traditional community were expected to volunteer for collective service.  This institution had been anathema to 19th-century liberals in Mexico, as they tried to replace rigid custom with a free, individualistic society.  It still ran contrary to the formal ideology of the government party, the PRI, and to the neoliberalism that the PRI has been accepting under recent presidencies. 

Now it was a PRI governor who was sponsoring the new or new/old approach, and taking credit for it.  Carrasco is himself a spokesman for economic modernization, going out to the wider world to drum up interest and investment. Presiding over a state that has a large indigenous population, he knows that discontent might discredit the project of modernization. 

But modernization would mean "integration" of all groups into the society, and integration might mean assimilation or homogenization. Within the state legislature, the governor's reforms could be attacked by those who considered them a disloyalty to the Mexican state.  Outside, they were often attacked, with some sadness, by those who found them simply one more way to incorporate Indians into a picture-book equality. The actual meaning of any new indigenous autonomy would depend on how it was administered, and for what purposes. 
 

 
Activists in the state, and notably around the community of Juchitán, had long worked for an autonomy that would flow from their own efforts.  They derived support from a continent-wide indigenous movement that for some time had been formulating model proposals for community autonomy.  But they were aware of counter-pressures in the background: The nation-state was deciding whom it would identify as indigenous.



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