

POLICE ABUSES WON'T STIFLE PROTESTS
by Mark Weisbrot
"When protest becomes effective, governments become repressive."
Tom Hayden summed it up in an axiom three decades ago, while describing
his own trial on conspiracy charges for organizing protests against the
Vietnam War.
The Seattle protests last December knocked the millennium round of WTO negotiations
out of commission, and demonstrators have faced increasingly hostile government
actions ever since. This is especially true for those who have kept to their
principles of nonviolence and no destruction of property--which includes
almost everyone who showed up in Washington, DC last April to protest the
International Monetary Fund and World Bank, and in Philadelphia last week
for the Republican Convention.
The city of Philadelphia upped the ante with the arrest last week of John
Sellers on conspiracy charges, and the setting of bail--for misdemeanor
charges--at one million dollars. A higher court reduced the bail, which
was more typical for a murder suspect than someone who is accused of conspiring
to block traffic, to $100,000 on Tuesday. But the message was clear.
Sellers heads the Ruckus Society, a group that has trained activists in
the techniques of nonviolent civil disobedience. The group was instrumental
in organizing both the Seattle and Washington, DC protests. He was apparently
singled out not for anything he had done in Philadelphia, but for who he
is. The use of special punishments on the basis of a person's political
identity certainly contradicts the principle that we are "a nation
of laws, not of men."
Philadelphia is not alone. In Washington DC, the police went so far as to
close down the meeting center of the organizations that were planning the
protests. This was a flagrant violation of civil liberties more commonly
seen in countries like Indonesia or Burma than in the United States. (Philadelphia
police staged a similar, almost certainly illegal raid last week on a warehouse
used for making puppets and other protest props, "preventively arresting"
70 people.) Washington police also rounded up hundreds of people on the
street one night, including some unlucky tourists, and launched "pre-emptive
strikes" against people who looked like they might be on their way
to a demonstration.
Although there were some scuffles between police and a few protestors in
Philadelphia, it is important to understand that police abuses have not
been committed in response to violence or even property damage. In Seattle,
for example, a handful of people on the fringes of the protests broke windows
and overturned trash bins. But the police mostly ignored the window-breakers
and let loose their tear gas, pepper spray, and rubber bullets on the thousands
of peaceful demonstrators.
It may seem inflated to compare these protests to the much larger demonstrations
of the Vietnam era, but the Seattle and DC demonstrations were enormously
effective. The WTO has yet to recover from the collapse of its millennium
round, and last April's protests in Washington gave millions of Americans
their first glimpse of the IMF and the World Bank. These two organizations
head up a creditors' cartel that controls the major economic decisions for
more than 60 countries. They are the most powerful financial institutions
in the world, and they have relied on public unawareness for 55 years to
maintain--and regularly abuse--their power.
The protestors have solid moral authority for invoking the long-standing
tradition of nonviolent civil disobedience. Martin Luther King once compared
such infractions to an ambulance going through a red light on its way to
the hospital. The issues raised by the protesters certainly have the moral
urgency that King was describing.
Fifteen million Africans have already died from AIDS, and our government's
policies (together with the IMF, World Bank, and WTO) could cost the lives
of millions more. Extracting the maximum debt service from these devastated
countries, and protecting US patent holders from the spread of affordable,
generic anti-AIDS drugs, appear to remain as these institutions' top priorities.
At home, we now have nearly two million prisoners languishing behind bars,
hundreds of thousands convicted on drug charges for which no civilized society
would incarcerate them.
These are among the issues that the mostly young people whom Philadelphia
Police Commissioner John Timoney described as "a cadre of criminal
conspirators" have sought to bring to public attention.
Million-dollar bail, conspiracy charges, illegal raids, and police abuses
are unlikely to be any more effective than tear gas and pepper spray in
discouraging these protests. Nor will Mayor Street's threat to prosecute
low- grade misdemeanor charges "to the full extent of the law."
He should take a lesson from Washington, DC and release the protestors still
being held in Philadelphia's jails.
--Mark Weisbrot is co-director of the Center for Economic and Policy Research
in Washington, DC.