CLINTON IN COLOMBIA: THE UGLY AMERICAN


Clinton in Colombia: The Ugly American
by Mark Weisbrot
When President Clinton announced his trip to Colombia, he said
his purpose was "to seek peace, to fight illicit drugs, to build its
economy, and to deepen democracy."
Nothing could be further from the truth.
The Clinton administration seeks not peace but rather a military solution
to the 40-year-old civil war in Colombia. About three-quarters of its record-breaking
aid package to Colombia is for the military and police. Like Presidents
Kennedy and Johnson in Vietnam, Mr. Clinton is convinced that superior firepower
can destroy a deeply entrenched, armed insurgency.
If this requires the continuing murder of 3,000 civilians each year, or
creating 300,000 refugees annually, that is a price that Mr. Clinton is
willing to pay.
The term "human rights abuse" is a euphemism-- let's be honest
about what our tax dollars are paying for in Colombia. "They drank
and danced and cheered as they butchered us like hogs," reports a survivor
of a recent massacre described in the New York Times. He was describing
the slaughter of 36 people in the town of El Salado, by 300 paramilitary
troops in February. The troops began bringing their victims to the town
square on a Friday, and according to the Times, "ordered liquor and
music, and then embarked on a calculated rampage of torture, rape and killing"
that lasted until Sunday. The victims included a 6-year old girl and an
elderly woman.
The Colombian army stood by a few miles away, setting up roadblocks that
prevented human rights and rescue workers from trying to help the villagers.
Last month, another mass killing of six people took place in northwest Colombia
while an army helicopter hovered overhead and soldiers were on patrol nearby.
Nonetheless, President Clinton has now waived most of the human rights conditions
that Congress attached to his military aid package, making it clear that
these types of massacres would not affect US policy.
This war is not about "illicit drugs," and it never has been.
According to our own Drug Enforcement Agency, there is drug-related corruption
in all branches of the Colombian government, including its armed forces,
which are now the third largest recipient of US military aid in the world
(after Israel and Egypt). The paramilitary death squads, which are closely
linked to the Colombian military and--according to human rights groups--responsible
for the vast majority of political murders, are up to their necks in drug
trafficking. Their leader recently admitted in a TV interview that 70 percent
of their funding was from the drug trade. But our tax dollars will not be
used to go after them.
Our money for Colombia will not help "build its economy," which
is suffering through its worst recession in more than half a century. More
than a fifth of the labor force is unemployed, and millions of peasants
have no marketable alternatives to growing coca if they are to survive.
Poisoning their land, rivers, and other crops with aerial spraying of herbicides
only adds further injury and more recruits for the armed conflict.
The same is true for the budget austerity ordered by the International Monetary
Fund: with Washington's backing. These policies are likely to worsen the
recession and increase unemployment in Colombia.
Widening the war will not "deepen democracy," but will further
destroy what little is left of it. By giving the Colombian government and
armed forces another enormous blank check, the Clinton administration simply
encourages more massacres as well as impunity for the perpetrators. There
is no reason for Colombian officials to make the necessary concessions to
negotiate an end to the conflict if they know they have unlimited support
for war, including massacres of civilians.
The guerrilla groups are understandably wary of a situation in which they
have no guarantees that they or their supporters could survive without their
own armed forces. Their last attempt, in the mid-eighties, to put down their
arms and participate in elections was met with the slaughter of thousands
of their supporters as well as candidates.
Meanwhile, 37 human rights and other non-governmental organizations in Colombia
have stated that they will not accept any funds from "Plan Colombia,"
the program that our massive aid package--$1.3 billion, with $860 million
for Colombia--is partially funding. And neighboring states--ncluding Ecuador
and Peru--are beginning to worry that continued escalation of the war will
spill over into their territories.
We can only hope that the backlash against the Administration's pursuit
of a violent solution to Colombia's civil war will continue to grow. When
Colombia's fate is left to the Colombians, then there will be a chance "to
seek peace, build the economy, and deepen democracy."
--Mark Weisbrot <weisbrot@cepr.net> is co-director of the Center for
Economic and Policy Research,1015 18th Street NW, Suite 200, Washington,
DC 20036, Phone (202) 293-5380 x228, Fax (202) 822-1199, (202) 333-6141
(home) <www.cepr.net>.